{"id":643,"date":"2015-03-25T16:00:57","date_gmt":"2015-03-25T16:00:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/rcstaging.co.uk\/ehrac\/?post_type=blog&p=643"},"modified":"2021-09-14T17:28:52","modified_gmt":"2021-09-14T16:28:52","slug":"human-rights-implementation-our-shared-responsibility","status":"publish","type":[32],"link":"http:\/\/ehrac.org.uk\/ru\/blog\/human-rights-implementation-our-shared-responsibility\/","title":{"rendered":"\u041e\u0441\u0443\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432 \u0447\u0435\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0435\u043a\u0430: \u043d\u0430\u0448\u0430 \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0430\u044f \u043e\u0442\u0432\u0435\u0442\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c"},"content":{"rendered":"

After excursions to Interlaken<\/a>, Izmir<\/a> and Brighton<\/a>, Council of Europe states meet again this week, in Brussels<\/a>, to discuss further reform of the Europe-wide human rights system. Taking their turn to chair the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, the Belgian government has decided to focus attention on the implementation of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights.<\/p>\n

Such an emphasis is very much to be welcomed, as it remains the obvious Achilles heel in the human rights system. In its report last year on the \u2018Brighton Declaration and Beyond<\/a>\u2019, the Legal Affairs Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) lauded the Court for its \u2018extraordinary contribution<\/em>\u2019 to the protection of human rights in Europe. It went on, however, to deplore the way states respond to the Court\u2019s judgments, noting that \u2018the prevailing challenges facing the Court, most notably the high number of repetitive applications as well as persisting human rights violations of a particularly serious nature, reveal a failure by certain High Contracting Parties to discharge their obligations under the Convention\u2019.<\/p>\n

The statistics show the weight of the burden that this is creating. At the end of 2013, there were more than 11,000 unresolved cases pending before the Committee of Ministers (CM) (which has the role, under the Convention of supervising the implementation of the Court\u2019s judgments). The latest CM annual report<\/a> on the execution of judgments also acknowledges the increasing proportion of unresolved cases which concern systemic or structural issues \u2013 just under 1,500 such \u2018leading\u2019 cases were still outstanding in December 2013. These cases relate to endemic problems, such as poor prison conditions, violations arising from the restitution of property, the non-execution of domestic court judgments and the excessive length of proceedings, the excessive use of force by state security forces and systemic failings as regards the functioning of the judiciary.<\/p>\n

While there are clear structural failings in particular European states, it seems that none can be fully exonerated of the charge of inadequate or delayed follow-up. For example, as regards the UK, there are a number of notable pending cases of failures in implementation. A recent\u00a0report<\/a> of the Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR) acknowledges the UK\u2019s generally very good record but laments the seven year delay in implementing the Marper<\/em> judgment<\/a> (on the retention of biometric data) in Northern Ireland. The JCHR report also discusses the \u2018McKerr group\u2019 of cases, concerning the investigation of the use of lethal force in Northern Ireland (dating back to the 1980s and 1990s). The JCHR notes that although the CM closed its supervision of a number of issues arising from these cases, there are still various outstanding questions, such as concerns about failings in the investigations, including the lack of independence of police investigators. The JCHR points out that the failure to implement these judgments fully has led to additional cases and further findings of violations against the UK. The JCHR is also clear about the broader consequences for the UK of the ongoing failure to resolve the prisoner voting rights question:<\/p>\n

The UK Government\u2019s continuing failure to amend the law in response to the Hirst judgment undermines its credibility when invoking the rule of law to pressurise Russia\u2014and other countries in a similar position\u2014to comply with its international human rights obligations.<\/em><\/p>\n

More than a thousand prisoner voting rights cases have subsequently been lodged in Strasbourg, because the prisoner voting rights issue has not been resolved. As a joint committee of the UK parliament has recommended<\/a>, the next UK government, of whatever political hue, must act swiftly to remedy the violation first identified in Hirst<\/em> a decade ago.<\/p>\n

Lack of consultation<\/strong><\/p>\n

What, then, to do? In February, the Belgian government released by email a draft of a declaration which is to be adopted in Brussels this week. We understand that prior to that, there had been some form of consultation of civil society in Belgium, but not more widely. Requests submitted by various international NGOs seeking a proper level of involvement in, and engagement with, the process even went unanswered. We do not consider that that is acceptable, when the future of the European human rights system is at stake. At that stage, a group of 10 NGOs drafted and publicised a response<\/a> to the draft declaration. We understand that there have been voluminous comments from governments, but at the time of writing this blog, we have not seen a later draft and nothing has been published.<\/p>\n

The Brussels Declaration<\/strong><\/p>\n

There are many aspects of the draft declaration that should be welcomed, not least encouraging states themselves to introduce specific measures designed to improve the implementation process at the national level. For example, states should produce better quality \u2018action plans\u2019, which set out how they intend to respond to Court judgments. That is an important recommendation, as it is the basis of ensuring some degree of accountability in the process, both at the domestic and international level.<\/p>\n

We are encouraged, too, by the emphasis in the draft declaration on the involvement of national parliaments in the execution process. For example, we would advocate that parliaments should be able to scrutinise and comment on states\u2019 \u2018action plans\u2019 (whether legislative changes are needed or not). The Legal Affairs Committee of PACE has also\u00a0reiterated<\/a> that a role for parliaments is indispensable \u2018in cases of the non-implementation, delay or (rarely) refusal to implement a judgment, or where legislative reform is required\u2019.<\/p>\n

In the UK, the recent\u00a0report<\/a> of the Joint Committee on Human Rights rightly also drew attention to the importance of democratic engagement in the pre-legislative phase of human rights scrutiny, and the potential for elected branches of government to earn deference from the European Court by the quality of their deliberation. The JCHR stated that the:<\/p>\n

new emphasis on national implementation casts a greater onus on Government departments to conduct detailed assessments of the Convention compatibility of their laws and policies and on Parliament to subject the Government\u2019s assessment to careful scrutiny and debate. Where the national authorities can demonstrate that they have conscientiously engaged in such a detailed and reasoned consideration of Convention compatibility, the Court will be more reluctant to interfere with that reasoned assessment.<\/em><\/p>\n

Infringement procedure \u2013 never used<\/strong><\/p>\n

The draft declaration also incorporates proposals on the implementation process at the international level which are to be applauded, aimed at the enhancement of the CM supervision process. For example, it advocates the CM\u2019s use in the supervision process of \u2018all of the tools at its disposal\u2019. One such tool is the \u2018infringement procedure\u2019 mechanism which was introduced (by Protocol 14) specifically to address situations of persistent non-implementation of the Court\u2019s judgments. The Explanatory Report<\/a> on Protocol 14 underlined states\u2019 collective responsibility to preserve the Court\u2019s authority \u2013 and thus the Convention system\u2019s credibility and effectiveness \u2013 whenever the CM considers that a state refuses to comply with a final judgment of the Court against it:<\/p>\n

Rapid and full execution of the Court\u2019s judgments is vital. It is even more important in cases concerning structural problems, so as to ensure that the Court is not swamped with repetitive applications. For this reason, ever since\u2026[2000].., it has been considered essential to strengthen the means given\u2026 to the Committee of Ministers.<\/em><\/p>\n

However, EHRAC\u2019s experience<\/a> of seeking to engage with diplomats in relation to the use of \u2018infringement proceedings\u2019 has, we believe, revealed states\u2019 obvious nervousness and reluctance to use such a measure. Indeed, it has never been invoked. This must change.<\/p>\n

Transparency and independence<\/strong><\/p>\n

We also welcome the fact that the draft Brussels declaration calls for the CM to hold \u2018thematic debates\u2019 on particular execution issues and to allow \u2018national experts\u2019 to take part in Committee meetings. These points illustrate a principle that we believe should be reflected in the process to a much greater extent: transparency. Diplomats often argue that discussion about cases is best facilitated by being carried out \u2018in private\u2019; that way, the argument goes, states are able to express their positions candidly and openly. That may be so, but it should not preclude a greater level of openness in particular cases which remain unresolved after several years, or in the face of state intransigence. In such situations, exceptionally, ministers or officials should be summoned to explain themselves, and to do so in public. A UK foreign office minister recently sought to reassure parliament<\/a> that \u2018the UK plays an active role in the Committee of Ministers, and has regularly used this forum to press Russia to comply with Court rulings, in line with its international human rights obligations\u2019. EHRAC\u2019s understanding is that there is in fact only limited pressure placed on Russia, but the truth is we don\u2019t know, and cannot know, until there is greater transparency.<\/p>\n

Too often the CM\u2019s \u2018peer review\u2019 process is insufficiently effective or rigorous. The European Court, by contrast, functions, by and large, very successfully; it does so because of its independence. We believe that in order to improve the CM\u2019s supervision of judgments in the most difficult situations, there needs to be a genuinely independent element to the process. This is where the draft declaration does not go far enough. The supervision carried out by the CM should be supported by an independent expert advisory group. Such a group would bring added focus, energy and profile to efforts to facilitate resolution of the most intractable implementation issues; their independence of state representation would bring an incisive cutting edge, which has hitherto not been seen.<\/p>\n

We hope that the final Brussels declaration reflects the emphasis in the draft on the need for states to strengthen their systems for implementation and for the CM to make more effective use of the tools in its armoury. There will be an NGO side event at the Brussels conference at which this message will be reinforced. We trust that government representatives meeting nearby will be listening.<\/p>\n

This blog is by EHRAC director Prof. Philip Leach and Dr. Alice Donald, a Senior Research Fellow at Middlesex University. It was originally published on 22 March 2015 on the European Journal of International Law Talk! site<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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